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Showing posts with label writers. Show all posts
Showing posts with label writers. Show all posts

Monday, November 7, 2011

Music and Art Peace Academy art exhibit and T-shirt contest for a sustainable future ~ Friday, November 18th @Tokyo



MAPA (Music and Art Peace Academy) will be holding a collaborative art event at M Event Space in Daikanyama on Friday, November 18th to promote a sustainable world. Artists are encouraged to submit their own original artwork that represents sustainability from October 21st to November 10th, 2011. All art forms are welcome - painting, digital art, collage, photos, recycled artwork- anything! All proceeds will be donated to the Global Conference for a Nuclear Power Free World coordinated by Peace Boat scheduled for January 14-15, 2012 in Yokohama.

As explained on the homepage for Parties for Peace, a groundbreaking group that envisions stimulating events which utilize art, music, and dance as a platform to "help raise awareness and fundraise for important International campaigns to promote environmental awareness, human rights and sustainability":

The MAPA project invites individuals, organizations, musicians, artists, photographers, designers, writers, actors, videographers and promoters who are interested in social and environmental issues to work together to promote a culture of peace through music and art and join the Peace Boat global voyage for the Music and Art Peace Academy onboard.

Peace Boat is a Japan-based international non- governmental and non-profit organization that works to promote peace, human rights, equal and sustainable development and respect for the environment. Peace Boat seeks to create awareness and action based on effecting positive social and political change in the world.
MAPA is also accepting entries for their Tshirt and Eco-bag design contest! They will choose one design to print on their Tshirts to be displayed at the event on the 18th of November.

To have your work displayed at the event or to enter the T-shirt contest, simply simply send your proposal for the event or T-shirt design to Emilie McGlone at parties4peace@gmail.com by November 10th.

Sunday, November 6, 2011

POETRY KANTO 2011: "poetry that navigates the divide of ocean and language"



Via poet and author Alan Botsford, co-editor of the luminous Poetry Kanto:
POETRY KANTO 2011: free copies available

This year's issue of POETRY KANTO No. 27 is now available. If you wish to receive a free copy (while copies last) just notify me by e-mail:

alan@kanto-gakuin.ac.jp

and include your name and mailing address.

This offer applies to anyone interested in reading this year's issue-- a pivotal year here in Japan marked by the March 11 Great Eastern Earthquake and the subsequent, ongoing nuclear crisis at the Fukushima Nuclear Facility.

The line-up of poets in issue No. 27 is:

Ito Hiromi
Jeffrey Angles
Libby Hart
Geneva Bronwyn Hargreaves
William I. Elliott
Gavin Bantock
Sally Bliumis-Dunn
Gregory Dunne
Leila Fortier
Niels Hav
Changming Yuan
William Heyen
Michael Sowder
Adele Ne Jame
Yumiko Tsumura
Jane Hirshfield

We especially encourage prospective future contributors--poets or translators-- along with potential reviewers to request a copy and to help spread the word about this bi-lingual journal aiming to promote dialogue between Japan and the English-speaking world.

Poetry Kanto will begin reading submissions for the 2012 issue from December through April.

Poetry Kanto, a not-for-profit journal distributed free in Japan and in locations around the world, is funded by the Kanto Poetry Center of the College of Humanities at Kanto Gakuin University in Yokohama, Japan. The bi-lingual journal, featuring contemporary and modern Japanese poets in translation, and English-language poetry from around the world, has been in publication for nearly 30 years.

For more on Poetry Kanto, please visit our websites:

http://home.kanto-gakuin.ac.jp/~kg061001/

Mamaist.com
For those who love literary nonfiction, Alan Botsford's "Defining Whitman" is a rich exploration of the role of poetry in the realization of self and life itself:
In this light a poem is a sacred story that, in connecting psyche and cosmos, can offer core lessons of unfolding discovery in each of us. For it is here at the site of the poem as a work of art and spirit —where the dynamic whole is greater than the sum of its parts—that we may be reminded, in Whitman’s words, “That we all labor together transmitting the same charge and succession”… And that at the threshold of the text the perpetual re-gathering out of the depths, in a cycle of losses and gains, binds poet and reader together to testify that poetry is living communion.

Saturday, October 15, 2011

Writers in Support of the Occupy Movement

3,227 Writers in Support of the Occupy Movement: http://occupywriters.com:
We, the undersigned writers and all who will join us, support Occupy Wall Street and the Occupy Movement around the world.
Includes Alicia Bay Laurel (beloved by Japanese eco-peace supporters), Naomi Klein, Alice Walker (published in Japanese in Japan, where she has a huge following), Francine Prose, Noam Chomsky, Salman Rushdie, Eve Ensler, and Jane Hirschfield (poet and translator of Japanese poetry).

Friday, September 30, 2011

Terry Tempest Williams on living with radiation from the 1,000+ nuclear bomb explosions in North America

(Image: Richard Miller, “Areas crossed by two or more radioactive clouds during the era of nuclear testing in the American Southwest, 1951-62” in Under the Cloud: The Decades of Nuclear Testing (Two-Sixty Press, 1999))

When Terry Tempest Williams began her soul-searching chronicle that explores how her family, friends, and community members lived with the environmental, psychological and health consequences of the thousand nuclear test explosions in the American Southwest (most Southerners don't even know this, but Mississippi was also nuked twice), she felt unheard and unseen. Then she visited Hiroshima, and upon meeting other survivors of nuclear radiation, no longer felt alone.

Her 20-year-old memoir, Refuge, is more relevant than ever, after Fukushima. An excerpt from her last chapter, "The Clan of One-Breasted Women":
Over dessert, I shared a recurring dream of mine, I told my father that for years, as long as I could remember, I saw this flash of light in the night in the desert—that this image had so permeated my being that I could not venture south without seeing it again, on the horizon, illuminating buttes and mesas.

"You did see it," he said.

"See what?"

"The bomb. The cloud...

I stared at my father.

"I thought you knew that," he said. "It was a common occurence in the fifties."

It was at this moment that I realized the deceit I had been living under. Children growing up in the American Southwest, drinking contaminated milk from contaminated cows, even from the contaminated breasts of their mothers, my mother—members, years later, of the Clan of One-Breasted Women.

It is a well-known story in the Desert West. "The Day We Bombed Utah," or more accurately, the years we bombed Utah: above ground atomic testing in Nevada took place from January 27, 1951 to July 11, 1962. Not only were the winds blowing north covering "low-use segments of the population" with fallout and leaving sheep dead in their tracks, but the climate was right...

Much has been written about this "American nuclear tragedy." Public health was secondary to national security...

Again and again, the American public was told by its government, in spite of burns, blisters, and nausea, "It ihas been found that the tests may be conducted with adequate assurance of safety under conditions prevailing at the bombing reservations." Assuaging public fears was simply a matter of public relations. "Your best action," an Atomic Energy Commission booklet read, "is not to be worried about fallout."

...The fear and inability to question authority that ultimately killed rural communities in Utah during atmospheric testing of atomic weapons is the same fear I saw in my mother's body...

My father's memory was correct. The September blast we drove through in 1957 was part of Operation Plumbbob, one of the most intensive series of bomb tests to be initiated. The flash of light in the night in the desert, which I had always thought was a dream, developed into a family nightmare. It took fourteen years, from 1957 to 1971, for cancer to manifest in my mother—the same time, Howard L. Andrews, an authority in radioactive fallout at the National Institutes of Health, says radiation cancer requires to become evident...

One night I dreamed women from all over the world circled a blazing fire in the desert. They spoke of change, how they hold the moon in their bellies and wax and wane with its phases. They mocked presumption of even-tempered beings...

- Terry Tempest Williams, Refuge: An Unnatural History of Family and Place, 1991

Saturday, August 6, 2011

Kenzaburo Oe's "Hiroshima and the Art of Outrage" illuminates interconnections between Hiroshima bombing, Okinawa bases, & nuclear "umbrella"

Kenzaburo Oe has been a principal voice in Japan's soul-searching in matters of war and peace since his emergence as a literary wunderkind during the late 1950's. Scholar John Nathan described the novelist as a "spokesman for the postwar generation" whose novels explored the lives of "young Japanese struggling to survive with dignity in desecrated society." Oe said the three seminal influences on his personal and creative development were the birth of his handicapped son, Hikari, and his visits to Hiroshima and Okinawa.



Concerned about the accelerated remilitarization of Japan during the Koizumi-Bush era, Oe joined with prominent Japanese thinkers in founding 9-Jo No Kai (The Article 9 Association) in 2004. In 2008, Oe prevailed in a lawsuit challenging his essay, Okinawa Notes in which the author adhered to the widely accepted assertion that the Japanese military forced civilians to commit mass suicide during the Battle of Okinawa. Earlier this summer, speaking at an Article 9 Association meeting in Tokyo on June 19 (the 50th anniversary of the automatic enactment of the revised Japan-U.S. Security Treaty on June 19, 1960), Oe called for a reduction in military bases on Okinawa in accordance with the Peace Constitution.

In "Hiroshima and the Art of Outrage," published by the New York Times last year, Oe articulates the interconnections between atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki; the 60-year U.S.-Japan military occupation of Okinawa; and ongoing attempts by military industrialists to undermine Japan's non-nuclear principles:
The Futenma Marine Corps Air Station on Okinawa, one of the largest United States military bases in East Asia, is in the center of a crowded city. The American and Japanese governments acknowledge the dangers of this situation, and they agreed nearly 15 years ago that the base should be moved; however, no move has yet been made.

In 2009 a new prime minister, Yukio Hatoyama, tantalized Okinawans with the prospect of moving the despised base off the island, but he was recently forced to resign, in part because of his failure to keep that promise. Mr. Hatoyama’s successor, Naoto Kan, has made it clear that he intends to respect the United States-Japan security treaty — a position that, while not directly related to the issue of dialing down the United States military presence in Japan, may indicate which way the wind is blowing.

It was recently reported here that a government panel is about to submit a policy paper to Prime Minister Kan, suggesting that regarding Japan’s “three nonnuclear principles” — prohibiting the production, possession and introduction of nuclear weapons — it was not wise to “limit the helping hand of the United States,” and recommending that we allow the transport of nuclear arms through our territory to improve the so-called nuclear umbrella.

When I read about this in the newspaper last week, I felt a great sense of outrage. (I’ll explain later why that word has such deep significance for me.) I felt the same way when another outrageous bit of news came to light this year: the decades-old, Okinawa-related secret agreement entered into by the United States and Japan in contravention of the third of the three nonnuclear principles, which forbids bringing nuclear weapons into Japan.

At the annual Hiroshima Peace Ceremony on Friday, this year marking the 65th anniversary of the dropping of the atom bomb, representatives from Britain, France and the United States planned to be in attendance, for the first time. This is a public event at which government leaders give speeches, but it also has a more profound and private aspect, as the atomic bomb survivors offer ritual consolation to the spirits of their dead relatives. Of all the official events that have been created during the past 200 years of modernization, the peace ceremony has the greatest degree of moral seriousness... In Edward W. Said’s last book, “On Late Style,” he gives many examples of artists (composers, musicians, poets, writers) whose work as they grew older contained a peculiar sort of concentrated tension, hovering on the brink of catastrophe, and who, in their later years, used that tension to express their epochs, their worlds, their societies, themselves.

As for me, on the day last week when I learned about the revival of the nuclear-umbrella ideology, I looked at myself sitting alone in my study in the dead of night . . . . . . and what I saw was an aged, powerless human being, motionless under the weight of this great outrage, just feeling the peculiarly concentrated tension, as if doing so (while doing nothing) were an art form in itself. And for that old Japanese man, perhaps sitting there alone in silent protest will be his own “late work.”
Read the entire essay here.

(See also: Kenzaburo Oe's "Misreading, Espionage and 'Beautiful Martyrdom': On Hearing the Okinawa ‘Mass Suicides’ Suit Court Verdict," published at Japan Focus in 2008)

Saturday, July 16, 2011

Haruki Marukami: As An Unrealistic Dreamer

World-renowned Japanese author Haruki Marukami was recently named the winner of the 2011 Premi Internacional Catalunya, whose judges praised him as having "built a literary bridge between east and west, bringing the two worlds together."

During Murakami's acceptance speech, delivered on June 9th in Barcelona, he first thanked the committee for the prestigious award, and memorialized the victims of the recent earthquake and tsunami disaster in Japan. Turning subsequently toward the matter of the ongoing nuclear crisis that followed, he powerfully and poignantly lamented the social values that allowed the Fukushima tragedy to occur:
Sixty-six years after the nuclear bombings, the Fukushima Dai-ichi nuclear reactors have now been spreading radioactivity for three months, contaminating the soil, the ocean and the air around them. No one knows how and when we can stop this. This is the second source of devastation caused by nuclear power in Japan, but this time nobody dropped an atomic bomb. We, the Japanese people, paved our own way for this tragedy, making grave errors and contributing to the destruction of our own lands and lives.

Why did this occur? What happened to our rejection of nuclear power after World War II? What was it that corrupted our goal of a peaceful and prosperous society, which we had been pursuing so diligently?

The reason is simple. The reason is “efficiency”.

The electrical power companies insisted that nuclear plants offered an efficient power generation system. In other words, it was a system from which they could derive profit. For its part, the Japanese government doubted the stability of petroleum supplies, particularly since the oil crisis, and promoted nuclear power generation as national policy. The electrical power companies spent huge amounts of money on advertisements, thereby bribing the media to indoctrinate the Japanese people with the illusion that nuclear power generation was completely safe.

Before we knew it, 30 percent of electricity generation was being supplied by nuclear power. Japan, a small island nation frequently struck by earthquakes, thus became the third leading nuclear power-generating country, without the Japanese people even realizing what was happening.

We had gone beyond the point of no return. The deed was done. Those who doubted nuclear power generation were now asked the intimidating question, “Would you be in favour of power shortages?” Japanese people had come to believe that reliance on nuclear power was inevitable. Living without air conditioning during a hot and humid Japanese summer is almost akin to torture. Consequently, those who harbour doubts about nuclear power generation came to be labelled as “unrealistic dreamers”.

And so we arrived where we are today. Nuclear power plants, which were supposed to be efficient, instead offer us a vision of hell. This is the reality.

The so-called “reality” that has been proclaimed by those who promote nuclear power, however, isn’t reality at all. It is nothing more than superficial “convenience”, which their flawed logic confused with reality itself.

This situation marked the collapse of the myth regarding Japan’s technological prowess, of which the Japanese people had been so proud. In addition, allowing this distorted logic represented the defeat of existing Japanese ethics and values. We now blame the electrical companies and Japanese government, which is right and necessary. At the same time however, we must also point the finger at ourselves. We are at once victims and perpetrators, and we must consider this fact seriously. If we fail to do so, we will make the same mistake again.

“Let all the souls here rest in peace, for we shall not repeat the evil.”

We must take these words to our hearts.
Murakami's speech has been translated into English, Romanian, German, French, and Italian (with a Portuguese translation forthcoming shortly) through a collaborative project organized by the members of a Paris-based project known as Senrinomichi, which has been working to provide material, financial, and human assistance to those affected by the March 11th disaster.

Kevin, the Senrinomichi organizer who spearheaded the translation project (which is titled Planting Seeds Together, from the closing idea within Murakami's speech), explained the background to the initiative:
Since hearing the news about Murakami san’s Catalunya Prize speech in Barcelona on Friday, I had tried long and hard to find an English translation. For several days the search proved fruitless, and increasingly frustrating. All I could find were brief extracts, which merely increased my appetite rather than assuaging it. It was like offering a thirsty man vinegar, or inviting a music lover to listen to the final chorus from Bach’s St Matthew’s Passion and then saying there was no need to listen to the previous three hours.

What surprised me was how many people who don’t speak Japanese came forward to take favourable or unfavourable positions on the speech, on the basis of these very same selected media sound bites. Since March 11, I have learned to be distrustful of media reporting in a way that I never felt before. Bread and circuses, all efficiently packaged….

On Tuesday, I finally found the first translation, written by a self-styled ordinary salary man in Japan. I drank in those words, like a long cold beer after lashings of vinegar, posted the translation to Senrinomichi and went to sleep. But the following day the words kept coming back to me, and I understood that I had myself now to contribute to this translation, even if I did not understand the words of Murakami san’s text in Japanese. Let’s call it an interpretation of the translation. At other times this could seem perverse, but not now. Now this seems like the right thing, the only thing to do. How could it be otherwise? At such moments, life seems so simple.

In adding my grain of sand to the translation, something strange and unexpected happened. Drifting amid the words, the silences and interstices of the text, I began to make better sense of the whirlwind of thoughts and ideas that have been racing around in my head since March 11. Thoughts about Japan, the ephemeral, the notion of chance, the nuclear question, about what can each of us can do to help, thoughts that had initially led to the creation of this blog and subsequently provided its backdrop. In taking the time to think carefully about each of the words in the translation, and in listening to each of the pauses between the words – which seem to me no less important in Murakami san’s speech – I came to understand more clearly the recent Brownian motion of my own mind.

In this sense, perhaps I can say that I dreamed, and that I shared my story at least with myself, but also with anyone who is taking the trouble to read this.

I love and am occasionally afraid of the power of words, though unlike Murakami san I am not a writer. I am an ordinary salary man in Paris, who feels a kinship with my friend, the ordinary salary man in Tokyo, who I understand also loves words. It was from such kinship that Senrinomichi was born, even though I didn’t know that particular ordinary salary man before yesterday when, to borrow his image (again), a small, but very happy storm was unleashed on both our houses…

Translation is the work of a single person. Murakami san’s novels are assigned to a single translator per language, which explains why the non Japanese-speaking readers have to wait so long for translations to appear. Translation is a complex process, a lonely process, an enriching process, a creation in its own right. Words are powerful, they must be treated with respect, not hurried, not abused or treated “inconveniently”.

But at this time I keep thinking about the words, the ideas from the Barcelona speech. These words that should be heard and be published, not as media sound bites but in their entirety, not as part of a subsequent Murakami Collected Works, but here, now, everywhere.

In the absence of an official translation, but also inspired by the spirit of Murakami san’s speech, I would therefore like to propose something quite different, quite singular. That we – Japanese and other nationalities – work together to produce collaborative translations of the Barcelona speech, in English but also in other languages. And that we then communicate this to the traditional international mass media and internet sites in our different countries, which to date seem to have let us down with their reporting of this speech. In doing so, in our own way we take up the exhortation of Murakami Haruki, to go out together into the fields, to cultivate and sow seeds.

Together we would work like the workshop students of the great Renaissance artists, as cheerful artisans.

Finally, I cannot help but find resonance with the name we chose for our site, Senrinomichi,千里の道– the journey of a thousand miles begins with a single step.

Serendipity is everywhere just now. The very moment I completed my interpretation of the translation, the feed to Senriomichi was published on Haruki Murakami’s Facebook page. Am I dreaming this?

Perhaps this is all madness, perhaps translations are already envisaged, perhaps I need to sleep. Perhaps, perhaps perhaps… but just now all of this seems so obvious.

…“Everyone doing what they can do, all hearts together”
The full text of Murakami's speech in English may be read here.

Anyone interested in contributing to the collaborative translation project with additional languages is asked to please contact Senrinomichi via the group's Facebook page, or by e-mail at senrinomichi23@gmail.com.



- Kimberly Hughes

Sunday, May 1, 2011

Japanese Canadian author Joy Kogawa reading at the Japanese American National Museum on Saturday, May 7, 2011

(Joy Kogawa beside the old cherry tree at the family home where she lived her first six years, before her family's forced removal and detainment with other Japanese Canadians during World War II. Photo: Kogawa Homestead)

)Japanese Canadian writer Joy Kogawa, author of Obasan, the classic novel on the Japanese North American World War II-period forced removal and detainment will be in Los Angeles at an event held at the Japanese American National Museum (JANM) from 10 a.m. to 6 p.m. this Saturday, May 7, 2011:
8+1: A Symposium: Voices from The Asian American Literary Review is a day-long celebration of Asian American literature and Asian American writers. Featuring paired readings and Q&A sessions by established and emerging authors whose work has or will appear in the pages of the literary journal The Asian American Literary Review.

Readers include Joy Kogawa, Kip Fulbeck, Rishi Reddi, R. Zamora Linmark, Reese Okyong Kwon, Viet Nguyen, Hiromi Itō with translator Jeffrey Angles, Ray Hsu, and Brian Ascalon Roley.

Community sponsors include the Japanese American National Museum, the International Center for Writing and Translation at the University of California Irvine, Poets & Writers, the UCLA Asian American Studies Center, UCLA English Department and the UCLA Friends of English, the USC Asian American Studies Program, the Vietnamese American Arts & Letters Association Giant Robot, Hyphen Magazine, Audrey Magazine, the Diasporic Vietnamese Artists Network, the Asian American Journalists Association's Los Angeles Chapter, and Philippine Expressions Bookshop.

Come to any or all of the readings; stay and get your books signed by the authors. Free to the public. For more information about the Asian American Literary Review, visit www.aalrmag.org/.
More on Joy Kogawa at this TTT post originally posted at the Kyoto Journal website, "Repairing Broken History: Japanese Canadian author Joy Kogawa's childhood home in Vancouver saved."

Saturday, April 23, 2011

Kenzaburo Oe prevails in "Okinawa Notes" lawsuit

Kyodo via The Japan Times:
Saturday, April 23, 2011

'Okinawa Notes' suit favors Oe
Kyodo

The Supreme Court said Friday it has finalized the judgment in favor of Nobel Prize-winning novelist Kenzaburo Oe in a libel suit filed against him and his publisher for writing in a 1970 book of essays that the Japanese military forced civilians to kill themselves and others en masse during the Battle of Okinawa.

In its Thursday ruling, the court turned down an appeal from two plaintiffs who claimed in the 2005 suit that Oe's depiction disgraces two garrison commanders they represent and sought an injunction to block further printing of the book.

But the top court's five-justice First Petty Bench did not touch on whether the military issued an order for civilians to commit mass suicide, unlike lower courts that found the military was involved and thus adjudged Oe's descriptions as not defamatory.
Read the rest here.

Sunday, August 15, 2010

Kenzaburo Oe's "Hiroshima and the Art of Outrage" illuminates interconnections between Hiroshima bombing, Okinawa bases, & nuclear "umbrella"

Kenzaburo Oe has been a principal voice in public soul-searching in Japan in matters of war and peace since his emergence as a literary wunderkind during the late 1950's. Scholar John Nathan described the novelist as a "spokesman for the postwar generation" whose novels explored the lives of "young Japanese struggling to survive with dignity in desecrated society." Oe said the three seminal influences on his personal and creative development were the birth of his handicapped son, Hikari, and his visits to Hiroshima and Okinawa.


Concerned about the accelerated remilitarization of Japan during the Koizumi-Bush era, Oe joined with prominent Japanese thinkers in founding 9-Jo No Kai (The Article 9 Association) in 2004. In 2008, Oe prevailed in a lawsuit challenging his essay, Okinawa Notes in which the author adhered to the widely accepted assertion that the Japanese military forced civilians to commit mass suicide during the Battle of Okinawa. Earlier this summer, speaking an Article 9 Association meeting in Tokyo on June 19 (the 50th anniversary of the automatic enactment of the revised Japan-U.S. Security Treaty on June 19, 1960), Oe called for a reduction in military bases on Okinawa in accordance with the Peace Constitution.

In "Hiroshima and the Art of Outrage," published by the New York Times, Oe articulates the interconnections between atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki; the 60-year U.S.-Japan military occupation of Okinawa; and ongoing attempts by military industrialists to undermine Japan's non-nuclear principles:
THE Futenma Marine Corps Air Station on Okinawa, one of the largest United States military bases in East Asia, is in the center of a crowded city. The American and Japanese governments acknowledge the dangers of this situation, and they agreed nearly 15 years ago that the base should be moved; however, no move has yet been made.

In 2009 a new prime minister, Yukio Hatoyama, tantalized Okinawans with the prospect of moving the despised base off the island, but he was recently forced to resign, in part because of his failure to keep that promise. Mr. Hatoyama’s successor, Naoto Kan, has made it clear that he intends to respect the United States-Japan security treaty — a position that, while not directly related to the issue of dialing down the United States military presence in Japan, may indicate which way the wind is blowing.

It was recently reported here that a government panel is about to submit a policy paper to Prime Minister Kan, suggesting that regarding Japan’s “three nonnuclear principles” — prohibiting the production, possession and introduction of nuclear weapons — it was not wise to “limit the helping hand of the United States,” and recommending that we allow the transport of nuclear arms through our territory to improve the so-called nuclear umbrella.

When I read about this in the newspaper last week, I felt a great sense of outrage. (I’ll explain later why that word has such deep significance for me.) I felt the same way when another outrageous bit of news came to light this year: the decades-old, Okinawa-related secret agreement entered into by the United States and Japan in contravention of the third of the three nonnuclear principles, which forbids bringing nuclear weapons into Japan.

At the annual Hiroshima Peace Ceremony on Friday, this year marking the 65th anniversary of the dropping of the atom bomb, representatives from Britain, France and the United States planned to be in attendance, for the first time. This is a public event at which government leaders give speeches, but it also has a more profound and private aspect, as the atomic bomb survivors offer ritual consolation to the spirits of their dead relatives. Of all the official events that have been created during the past 200 years of modernization, the peace ceremony has the greatest degree of moral seriousness... In Edward W. Said’s last book, “On Late Style,” he gives many examples of artists (composers, musicians, poets, writers) whose work as they grew older contained a peculiar sort of concentrated tension, hovering on the brink of catastrophe, and who, in their later years, used that tension to express their epochs, their worlds, their societies, themselves.

As for me, on the day last week when I learned about the revival of the nuclear-umbrella ideology, I looked at myself sitting alone in my study in the dead of night . . . . . . and what I saw was an aged, powerless human being, motionless under the weight of this great outrage, just feeling the peculiarly concentrated tension, as if doing so (while doing nothing) were an art form in itself. And for that old Japanese man, perhaps sitting there alone in silent protest will be his own “late work.”
Read the entire essay here.

(See also:  Kenzaburo Oe's "Misreading, Espionage and 'Beautiful Martyrdom': On Hearing the Okinawa ‘Mass Suicides’ Suit Court Verdict," published at Japan Focus in 2008.

Monday, June 21, 2010

Nobel laureate Kenzaburo Oe calls for reduction in U.S. bases, in compliance with Article 9

Yesterday The Mainichi Daily News reported "Nobel laureate Oe calls for reducing U.S. bases in Okinawa" in compliance with Article 9, the Japanese Constitution's Peace Clause:
Kenzaburo Oe, the 1994 Nobel laureate for literature, on Saturday called for reducing U.S. military bases in Okinawa Prefecture and establishing amicable ties with other nations, particularly with China and also with the United States, in accordance with the ideal of the pacifist Constitution.

"While we are under the nuclear umbrella of the United States, the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty will become unnecessary if we could pursue peaceful relations, rather than relying on military deterrence," Oe told some 2,000 people at a meeting of the Article 9 Association in Tokyo. "I want to achieve this."

The meeting was held on the 50th anniversary of the automatic enactment of the revised bilateral treaty on June 19, 1960, following a 30-day Diet stalemate after the government under then Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi railroaded the revision.

Oe, one of the nine founders of the association, also said, "I have to ask myself if we have kept the principle of Article 9 and if we have taken advantage of it. I believe it is necessary to recreate the treaty in accordance with our Constitution."

Two other founders of the Article 9 Association also gave speeches at the meeting.

Hisae Sawachi, a prominent writer, told the audience Japan's Self-Defense Forces have huge military capacities now, although armament expenditures must be zero under the Constitution and that people in Japan need to get out of the nuclear umbrella and the SDF powers.

"I hope we can establish new ties with the United States, particularly through transactions with U.S. citizens, and could revise the bilateral security treaty by placing Article 9 as the origin (of the negotiations)," she said.

Article 9 stipulates that Japan forever renounces war "as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes."

It also says, "Land, sea, and air forces as well as other war potential, will never be maintained. The right of belligerency of the state will not be recognized."

Another founder, Yasuhiro Okudaira, professor emeritus at the University of Tokyo specializing in constitutional studies, said, "Article 9 has inspired us. I'm proud of it."

The participants, meanwhile, mourned late popular playwright Hisashi Inoue, also a founder of the association who succumbed to lung cancer on April 9 this year at the age of 75.

The Article 9 Association was found in June 2004 with the aim to protect the war-renouncing clause of the Constitution, and has generated more than 7,500 like-minded groups across Japan so far.

Monday, May 3, 2010

More Crucial than Ever: 2004 Appeal from the Article 9 Association warning Japan not to revert to a "war-waging country"

2005 lecture at Ariake Coliseum, Tokyo

"An Appeal from the Article 9 Association", a group of Japanese intellectuals and writers (the most internationally renowned is Nobel Prize laureate Kenzaburo Oe) who support the Japanese Peace Constitution:
The Japanese constitution now faces a great challenge.

Through the use of weapons reaching the cruelty of the atomic bombs of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the Second World War claimed over fifty million lives. As a result, the citizens of the world learned the lesson that resorting to force should never be an option, even for the purpose of resolving international disputes.

Bearing an enormous responsibility for having continuously pursued a war of invasion, Japan decided to work towards realizing this global vision, and thus established a constitution including Article Nine which stipulated the renunciation of war and of military force.

Yet today, half a century later, the movement to “revise” the Japanese constitution, and Article Nine in particular, has risen to the forefront with an unprecedented scale and intensity. The proponents of that movement intend for Japan to follow the United States and change into a “war-waging country.” For that reason, they authorize the use of the right to collective self-defense, dispatch the Japanese Self Defense Forces overseas, allow their use of force, and commit other such actions that, for all intents and purposes, violate the restrictions of the constitution. Moreover, they are trying to do away with such important measures and policies as the three non-nuclear principles and the ban on arms exports. Finally, in order to raise children to become leaders of a “war-waging country,” they are trying to change the Fundamental Law of Education. This essentially alters the state of the nation that the Japanese constitution has aimed to achieve, threatening to convert Japan from a country that strives to resolve conflicts without military force to a nation that prioritizes military action above all else. We cannot allow that conversion to occur.

The United States’ attack on Iraq and the morass of the occupation that followed makes it clearer to us day by day that the resolution of conflict through force is unrealistic. The use of force only results in robbing a country and its people of their livelihood and of their happiness. Since the 1990s, armed interventions by major nations into regional conflicts have also failed to result in effective resolutions. That is why, in such places as Europe and Southeast Asia, efforts are being strengthened to create regional frameworks that can help to resolve conflicts through diplomacy and dialogue.

Today, as we question our path in the 21st century based on the lessons of the 20th, the importance of grounding diplomacy on Article Nine emerges with renewed clarity. To call the dispatch of Self Defense Forces into countries that do not welcome it an “international contribution” is nothing more than arrogance.

Based on Article Nine, Japan needs to develop ties of friendship and cooperation with the peoples of Asia and other regions, and change a diplomatic stance that only prioritizes a military alliance with the United States. Japan must play an active role in the tide of world history by exercising its autonomy and acting in a pragmatic manner. It is precisely because of Article Nine that Japan can engage its partner nations in peaceful diplomacy while respecting their various positions, and collaborate with them in the fields of economy, culture, science and technology.

In order to join hands with all peace-seeking citizens of the globe, we feel that we must strive to shine the light of Article Nine upon this turbulent world. To that end, each and every citizen, as sovereign members of this country, needs to personally adopt the Japanese constitution, with its Article Nine, and reaffirm their belief in it through their daily actions. This is a responsibility that the sovereign members share for the future state of their country. Thus, in the interest of a peaceful future for Japan and the world, we would like to appeal to each and every citizen to come together for the protection of the Japanese constitution: You must begin making every possible effort to thwart these attempts at “constitutional revision,” and you must begin today.

June 10, 2004

Wednesday, April 7, 2010

Arundhati Roy on the new global conquistadors: violent grabs for remaining indigenous lands & "resources"

We hear reports about Indian farmers committing suicide from debt; militarized police forcing indigenous peoples from their forest homes that have been leased out to mining companies; cruel caste discrimination and the usual images of hundreds of thousands of starving children and elders in India--worsened with India's so-called modernization.

Worldwide we hear parallel stories of devastated lives and suicides because of debt resulting from predatory banking; militarized police enabling land grabs in indigenous lands; and record rates of hunger worldwide.

Arundhati Roy no longer sees people as "Indian," "American," or "Chinese," because of the globalized nature of the latest forms of predation upon indigenous and marginalized people (now including the middle classes of "developed" nations). Instead she sees a world in which domestic colonization vies with imperial forms of colonization. In India and many other nations, corporate elites backed by their nation's military and police power, are preying upon the last lands of the world's remaining indigenous peoples.

From Christopher Lydon at HuffPost:"Arundhati Roy's Version of Disaster in 'This Year of India.'"
Arundhati Roy is giving us "the other side of the story" in this "Year of India" at Brown University and elsewhere. Media consumers in the US don't get it all in the TED talks, or in Nandan Nilekani's success epic, much less in Tom Friedman's relentless celebrations of the Bangalore boom in The New York Times.

I sat with Ms. Roy for an hour and a half near MIT last Friday -- first time since her book tour in another life, with the Booker Prize novel, The God of Small Thingsin 1998. This time she was just off a remarkable journalistic coup for Outlook India -- an "embedded" report from the so-called "Maoist" uprising in the Northeastern states of India, the rebellion that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has called India's greatest security threat and Arundhati Roy calls a battle for India's soul:

AR: What does the boom do? It created a huge middle class -- because India is a huge country, even a small percentage is a huge number of people -- and it is completely invested in this process. So it did lift a large number of people into a different economic bracket altogether -- now more billionaires in India than in China, and so on. But it created a far larger underclass being pushed into oblivion.

India is home to the largest number of malnourished children in the world. You have 180,000 small farmers who've drunk pesticide and committed suicide because they've been caught in the death trap. You have a kind of ecocide where huge infrastructural projects are causing a drop in the water table. No single river now flows to the sea. There is a disaster in the making.

The way I see it, we had a feudal society decaying under the weight of its caste system, and so on. It was put into a machine and churned and some of the old discriminations were recalibrated. But what happened was that the whole separated into a thin layer of thick cream, and the rest of it is water. The cream is India's market, which consists of many millions of people who buy cellphones and televisions and cars and Valentine's Day cards; and the water is superfluous people who are non-consumers and just pawns who need to be drained away.

Those people are now rising up and fighting the system in a whole variety of ways. There's what I call a bio-diversity of resistance. There are Gandhians on the road, and there are Maoists in the forests. But all of them have the same idea: that this development model is only working for some and not for others.

CL: How do we Americans listen for a true Indian identity in this period of fantastic growth and, as you say, fantastic suffering?

AR: You know, I have stopped being able to think of things like Americans and Indians and Chinese and Africans. I don't know what those words mean anymore. Because in America, as in India and in China, what has happened is that the elites of these countries and the corporations that support their wealth and generate it form tham have seceded into outer space. They live somewhere in the sky, and they are their own country. And they look down on the bauxite in Orissa and the iron ore in Chhattisgarh and they say: 'what is our bauxite doing in their mountains?' They then justify to themselves the reasons for these wars.

If you look at what is going on now in that part of the world, from Afghanistan to the northeast frontiers of Pakistan, to Waziristan, to this so-called "red corridor" in India, what you're seeing is a tribal uprising. And it's taking the form of radical Islam in Afghanistan. It's taking the form of radical Communism in India. It's taking the form of struggles for self-determination in the northeastern states. But it's a tribal uprising, and the assault on them is coming from the same place.

It's coming from free-market capitalism's desire to capture and control what it thinks of as resources. I think 'resources' is a problematic word because these things cannot be replenished once they are looted. But that is really the thing. And the people who are able to fight are those who are outside of the bar-coded, cellphone-networked, electronic age -- who cannot be tracked and who can barely be understood.

It's a clash of civilizations, but not in the way that (Samuel P.) Huntington meant, you know. It's an inability to understand that the world has to change, or there will be -- I mean, as we know, capitalism contains within itself the idea of a protracted war. But in that war... either you learn to keep the bauxite in the mountains, or you're not going to benefit from preaching morality to the victims of this war. A victory for this sort of establishment and its army and its nuclear weapons will never be a victory. Because your victory is your defeat, you know?
More on these issues with an Indian focus in Amy Goodman's interview with Roy at Democracy Now.

Saturday, January 30, 2010

Howard Zinn: "Empire or Humanity? What the Classroom Didn't Teach Me about the American Empire"

Followers of news from the Asia-Pacific know about the latest threats to democratic process and biodiverse eco-regions in Hawai'i, Jeju Island, Okinawa, and Guam.

Howard Zinn takes us back to the beginning of the real story of American history and tells us how his realizations in "A PEOPLE'S HISTORY OF AMERICAN EMPIRE BY HOWARD ZINN - Empire or Humanity? What the Classroom Didn't Teach Me about the American Empire." Narrated by Viggo Mortensen, art by Mike Konopacki, video editing by Eric Wold.



(HOWARD ZINN to Bill Moyers: "Well, I think what they have to say to us today is...think for yourself. ... what it tells me is that just ordinary people, you know, people who are not famous, if they get together, if they persist, if they defy the authorities, they can defeat the largest corporation in the world...")

Monday, September 21, 2009

Heinz Insu Fenkl: Seeing North Korea and South Korea through comics

Korean-American author, Korean literature scholar, and anthropologist Heinz Fenkl Insu has posted some fascinating translations of North Korean and South Korean comics (manhwa) at his website.

His evocative introduction to "Great General Mighty Wing" posted at Words Without Borders: The Online Journal of International Literature, reveals historical and symbolic contexts of the comics. Fenkl writes North Korean comics remind him of the South Korean comics he read during his childhood in South Korea of the 1960's:
I grew up in South Korea in the 1960s during the Park Chung-hee years, back in the day when comic books, or manhwa, were classified as one of the great social evils along with alcoholism, drug addiction, gambling, and prostitution. I lived in a neighborhood in Korea’s largest camp town, just outside the American Army base called ASCOM, so I witnessed the full range of these social evils, sometimes on a daily basis. But I was only a kid, and I generally avoided the other social evils by hanging out at the local manhwabang, the "comic book room," a neighborhood institution where all the young local delinquents—mostly teenage thugs and schoolboys playing hooky—could be found.

South Korea called itself a democracy in those days, though it was a tenuous one that technically became a military dictatorship the year my family left, 1972, when Park installed the Yushin Constitution and disbanded parliament. He had taken power through the May 16th "bloodless" coup in 1961 while student protests were destabilizing the interim administration after the downfall of Syngman Rhee.

In the 1960s, Korea was still recovering from the devastating civil war that had left the country split in two and forever separated nearly ten million families. The South saw the North as a nation of fanatical Reds ruled by a megalomaniacal dictator whose major ambition was to infiltrate assassin spies below the DMZ and destabilize the struggling, peace-loving, capitalist, democratic counterpart. The atmosphere in the South was constantly tense, based on both a perceived and real threat. In the 1968 assassination attempt on Park, known as "The Blue House Raid," thirty-one infiltrators came within sight of Park’s residence. The national manhunt that ensued after their botched mission resulted in the deaths of sixty-eight South Koreans and three Americans. In 1974, in another attempt, a North Korean assassin missed him and killed Park’s wife. Ironically, it was a member of Park’s own KCIA that finally assassinated him in 1979...

Monday, August 17, 2009

Donald Ritchie's review of John Hersey's Hiroshima

Donald Ritchie has another trenchant review in the Japan Times––this time of a sixty-three-year-old book, John Hersey's Hiroshima, republished this year by Penguin.

Ritchie––who lived in Japan at the time––recounts his reading of Hersey's book which exploded the Occupation's censorship of news coming out of Hiroshima and Nagasaki:
In 1946, just after the first anniversary of the destruction of Hiroshima, "The New Yorker" magazine's Aug. 31 issue published the complete text of John Hersey's portrait of the atom bomb and its effects on the Japanese city.

At the end of the war, in 1945, Hersey was in Japan writing about the reconstruction of the devastated country when he happened across an account written by a Jesuit priest who had survived the Hiroshima destruction. It was he who introduced the reporter to other survivors...

I certainly remember my experience, reading it in a battered (and forbidden) copy of "The New Yorker." The magazine had been discouraged by the occupation authorities but a copy or two still circulated, samizdat-style, when I read it in Tokyo in January 1947. The experience was direct; the plainness of the style and the horror of the account both moved and shocked...
(For more on the censorship of news on the atomic bombings, see Greg Mitchell's "For 64th Anniversary: The Great Hiroshima Cover-Up -- And the Nuclear Fallout for All of Us Today")